African American Teachers and Latino Students: A Case Study of Racial/Ethnic Teacher-Student Incongruence in an Urban School

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

African American Teachers and Latino Students: A Case Study of Racial/Ethnic Teacher-Student Incongruence in an Urban School

 Cedric B. Stewart, Rebecca M. Bustamante, and Anthony J. Onwuegbuzie

Sam Houston State University

 

 

 

 

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<p align="center" class="MsoNormal" style="text-align:center">Paper presented at the annual meeting of the American Educational Research Association, San Francisco, CA, April 27-May 1, 2013.

<p align="center" class="MsoNormal" style="text-align:center;text-indent:.5in; mso-layout-grid-align:none;text-autospace:none">Abstract

<p align="center" class="MsoNormal" style="text-align:center;text-indent:.5in; mso-layout-grid-align:none;text-autospace:none"> <p class="MsoNormal" style="line-height:200%">U.S. urban school demographics increasingly are characterized by large populations of Latino students taught by African American teachers. Research examining the racial/ethnic incongruence of this teacher-student pairing is scarce. Through the lens of critical race theory, social identity, and group contact theory, this collective case study addresses this paucity of studies. Individual interviews, focus groups, and observations were conducted with 9 African American teachers to elicit their perceptions of their Latino students. Data were analyzed iteratively using classical content analysis followed by cross-case comparison. Seven emergent themes (e.g., language barriers, gender biases, cultural stereotypes) and 12 subthemes were identified through extensive data triangulation. Implications are discussed for teacher preparation and in-service training related to African American and Latino teacher-student pairing.

<p align="center" class="MsoNormal" style="text-align:center;text-indent:.5in; line-height:200%;mso-layout-grid-align:none;text-autospace:none">African American Teachers and Latino Students: A Case Study of Racial/Ethnic Teacher-Student Incongruence in an Urban School

<p class="MsoNormal" style="text-indent:.5in;line-height:200%;mso-layout-grid-align: none;text-autospace:none">Improving school performance for all students of color while simultaneously closing the educational opportunity gap has been a concern for educators within the United States, as well as for researchers for more than 50 years (Duncan & Magnuson, 2005; Muschkin & Beck, 2007). Most previous studies examining differences in racial or ethnic academic achievement historically have been framed in an African American and White dichotomous view (Becker & Luther, 2002; Dixson & Rousseau, 2005; Jencks & Phillips, 1998). Current trends in examining educational inequalities have moved beyond these narrow confines to include discussions of disparities that exist between the academic performance of African American and Latino students and their White and Asian American student counterparts as well (Kozol, 2005). Whereas there has been a plethora of previous studies seeking to examine academic discrepancies between racial or ethnic groups and the racial majority population (Bali & Álvarez, 2004; Card & Rothstein, 2007; Clotfelter, Ladd, & Vigdor, 2009; Cook & Evans, 2000; Duncan & Magnuson, 2005; Orr, 2003), the majority of these studies were focused primarily on recurring gaps that existed between White students and other racial or ethnic minority groups or between homogeneous racial or ethnic minority groupings (e.g., African American students compared to other African American students, Latino students compared to other Latino students). The results of studies conducted to this point tend systematically either to cluster ethnic or racial minority groups into one subgroup or note differences within a specific ethnic or racial group. A noticeable trend in some of the previous studies cited above was that the researchers tended to ignore, or summarily dismiss, the important fact that one aspect of challenging a dominant perspective of educational inequality is to repudiate the idea that People of Color are a monolithic group with homogenous expertise and experiences (Kohli, 2009; Solórzano & Delgado Bernal, 2001).

<p class="MsoNormal" style="text-indent:.5in;line-height:200%;mso-layout-grid-align: none;text-autospace:none">There has been some previous research conducted, albeit small, that has expounded on the theme of examining academic achievement gaps among different racial or ethnic groups based on their unique characteristics and needs. In particular, this research has been used to examine the perceptions of racial or ethnic minority teachers who are involved in racially incongruent teacher-student pairings with other racial or ethnic minority students and its impact on student academic performance (Echenique, Roland, & Kaufman, 2006; Hyman & Sheatsley, 1956; Kluegal, 1990; Massey, Rothwell, & Doneva, 2009; McIntyre, 1997; Nzinza-Johnson, Baker, & Aupperlee, 2010;  Ogbu, 1988; Taylor, Greely, & Sheatsley, 1978; Tuch, 1987; Weinstein, Tomlinson-Clark, & Curran, 2004; Welch, Sigelman, Bledsoe, & Combs, 2001). This dearth in the current literature related to minority-to-minority incongruent racial or ethnic teacher student pairings is somewhat surprising when current population trends clearly demonstrate that certain minority populations, and particularly Latino people, are growing more rapidly than the U.S. population as a whole (U.S. Census Bureau, 2008). As a result of these changes in U.S. demographics, many of these Latino students will be educated in large urban schools with a variety of existing problems (Hussar & Bailey, 2013; Suárez-Orozco & Suárez-Orozco, 2009). Likewise, many of these same urban schools traditionally have been staffed with a disproportionate number of minority teachers with limited training (Kearney, 2008). Given the conflux of these factors, limited research has been conducted to aid researchers in understanding the impact that such a significant change in demographics has had on the ethnic or racial minority teachers who often are concentrated in large urban schools, as well as how they and their students might be influenced by incongruent teacher-student pairing (Alozie & Ramirez, 1999; Kaufman, 2003; Mindiola, Niemann, & Rodriguez, 2002; Scott, 2008; Vaca, 2004).

<p class="MsoNormal" style="text-indent:.5in;line-height:200%;mso-layout-grid-align: none;text-autospace:none">Therefore, the primary purpose of this study was to add to the paucity of existing research available currently that examines urban African American teachers’ perceptions of their Latino students. In conducting this inquiry, a transformative-emancipatory perspective (Mertens, 2003) prompted the use of a qualitative approach to exploring teacher perceptions, namely a collective case study. Finally, taking a qualitative approach also aided in understanding the underlying forces that drove the respective teachers’ behaviors (Krauss, 2005).

<p align="center" class="MsoNormalCxSpMiddle" style="text-align:center;text-indent: .5in;line-height:200%">Literature Review

<p class="MsoNormalCxSpMiddle" style="line-height:200%">            An extensive review of literature relevant to this research was conducted related to several relevant topics including: (a) a history of educational inequities among African American and Latino students within the United States, (b) teacher-student incongruence, (c) the influence of teacher perceptions on teachers in class behaviors toward students, and (d) intergroup contact, as well as a review of studies related to critical race theory. For purposes of this paper, a briefer synopsis of the extant literature is described below. In particular, an overview of teachers’ perceptions in racial and ethnic incongruent pairings, such as those of African American teachers and their Latino students, is presented.

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<p class="MsoNormalCxSpMiddle" style="line-height:200%">Need for Intra-Ethnic Studies

<p class="MsoNormalCxSpMiddle" style="line-height:200%">            Findings from the extant literature have revealed that indeed teachers differed in their treatment of children from various ethnic groups (Baron, Tom, & Cooper, 1985; Dusek & Joseph, 1983; Tenenbaum & Ruck, 2007). These study findings also suggested that the majority of teachers held statistically significantly more positive perceptions for European Americans than for African American and Latino students. The dates these studies were conducted (i.e. Barron et al., 1985; Dusek & Joseph, 1983), coupled with the paucity of research in this area, suggest clearly that more contemporary research in this area is needed.

<p class="MsoNormalCxSpMiddle" style="line-height:200%">According to Carmichael and Hamilton (1967), the true interests of African American people typically are not shared by any other racial or ethnic group. Moreover, Kaufman (2003) reported that African American people, as a group, were more likely than were any other racial group to experience heightened degrees of group consciousness that were manifested through certain distinct group behaviors. Therefore, researchers attempting to understand teacher perceptions also must consider the impact of teacher biases and whether or not those biases translate into specific patterns of behaviors (Tenenbaum & Ruck, 2007).

<p class="MsoNormalCxSpMiddle" style="line-height:200%">Whereas researchers have demonstrated that African American and Latino children do perceive race-based differential treatment by their respective teachers (Rosenbloom & Way, 2004), African American students reported higher levels of perceived discriminatory practices, whereas Latino students reported lower levels of perceived discriminatory practices than did their Asian American student counterparts (Greene, Way, & Pahl, 2006). However, in a meta-analysis that was conducted, researchers noted that teachers consistently held lower expectations for Latino students than for Asian American and African American students (Tenenbaum & Ruck, 2007). In addition, achievement gaps between African American and Latino/a male and female students have been shown to increase greatly from middle school onward, with females reporting better grades, more positive attitudes about school, and higher levels of graduation rates than do their male counterparts (Jordan & Cooper, 2003; Suárez-Orozco & Qin-Hilliard, 2004; Taylor & Graham, 2007). The cumulative results of lowered teacher expectations based on a combination of factors that might include race, ethnicity, or gender and be manifested by conscious or subconscious behaviors could promulgate into unfavorable classroom climates, as well as limited educational opportunities, especially for minority students (Tenenbaum & Ruck, 2007).

<p class="MsoNormalCxSpMiddle" style="line-height:200%">Teacher Perceptions

<p class="MsoNormalCxSpMiddle" style="text-indent:.5in;line-height:200%">Korkmaz (2007) purported that there was limited current information that focused on the importance of teacher perceptions as they related to student achievement. The available contemporary research on teacher perceptions that is available reveals that teachers do exercise overall influence on student achievement (Hardre, Davis, & Sullivan, 2008). Some researchers even conclude that teachers can have a direct impact on student achievement through a variety of measures (Korkmaz, 2007). For instance, scholars have documented a direct link between teachers’ perceptions and their behaviors toward their students (Hardre et al., 2008). Salient to this discussion on teacher-student influence is that the instructional and behavior management strategies that teachers choose to use within their classrooms often are predicated on their perceptions and characteristics of the students whom they serve (Wengliski, 2000).

<p class="MsoNormal" style="text-indent:.5in;line-height:200%;mso-layout-grid-align: none;text-autospace:none">Findings in the extant literature related to how teachers create and sustain their perceptions of students suggest that these perceptions do not occur as a linear experience, but, instead, occur holistically and systematically and involve the engagement of existing social structures, personal and group identification, and the strength and intensity of teachers’ own belief systems, as well as the integration of their own knowledge bases and skills (Hattingh & de Kock, 2008). Alternative perceptions of teaching only occur as individual teachers begin to understand their own contexts and  new lived experiences, thereby resulting in personal transformations (Korthagen, Kessels, Koster, Lagerwerf, & Wubbels, 2001). Samuel (2003) advanced that it was vitally important for new teachers, as they constructed their own perceptions of student-teacher relationships, to acknowledge consciously their own heritage and the impact that such long-held beliefs might have on teachers’ behaviors and attitudes.

<p class="MsoNormal" style="line-height:200%;mso-layout-grid-align:none; text-autospace:none">In a previous study, Gu (2010) noted that teaching was a culturally relative model that was value laden with effective teaching practices involving culture as a lens by which teachers made decisions regarding the potential needs and strengths of their students. As educational demographics and needs have undergone cultural transformations and shifts, some of the available literature also has begun to reflect these changes. For instance, some studies now are devoted to race and ethnicity such as the teaching African American students (Bakari, 2003; Bondy & Ross, 1998; Groulx, 2001), whereas other studies are devoted to issues normally associated with teaching the Latino population (Groulx, 2001). Further, there exists a third class of scholarship devoted to teaching in urban schools in general (Bakari, 2003; Bondy & Ross, 1998; Easter, Shultz, Neyhart, & Reck, 1999; Groulx, 2001).

<p class="MsoNormal" style="text-indent:.5in;line-height:200%;mso-layout-grid-align: none;text-autospace:none">Still, effective teaching can be problematic for those teachers who are unfamiliar with or who refuse to acknowledge the traditions, values, or norms of other cultures (Gu, 2010). Tosolt (2008) noted that it is important for teachers to recognize that many students might hold different worldviews than their own and to acknowledge the value of those worldviews in contributing to a richer learning environment. Further, Tosolt (2008) noted that what is perceived as a demonstration of caring behavior on the part of the teacher, might not necessarily be perceived as the same on the part of the student. Therefore, it would be incumbent upon teachers to initiate conversations with their students about what care looks like to them and for the teacher to attempt to deliver such care in a culturally congruent manner.

<p class="MsoNormal" style="line-height:200%">For teachers and students with incongruent racial and ethnic backgrounds, behaviors are more likely to be perceived differently than in racial and ethnic congruent pairs (or more culturally homogeneous classrooms) (den Brok, Wubbels, Veldman, & van Tartwijk, 2009). Misperceptions then can lead to misunderstandings that are further heightened when both teachers and students have little or no knowledge of the others’ culturally rooted viewpoints and experiences. Therefore, racially incongruent classrooms provide an even greater challenge for teachers hoping to create and to maintain a positive teacher-student relationship (Ting-Toomey, 1999). Considering that racially incongruent teacher-student classrooms can provide unique challenges to teachers without adequate training (Ting-Toomey, 1999) and that the quality of teacher–student relationships have been related to student achievement (den Brok & Levy, 2005; Ting-Toomey, 1999; Tosolt, 2008 ), there is limited empirical research that explores ethnic or racial minority teachers’ perceptions of students in multi-ethnic classrooms or other  racially incongruent homogenous classrooms (den Brok & Levy, 2005).

<p align="center" class="MsoNormal" style="text-align:center;line-height:200%; mso-layout-grid-align:none;text-autospace:none">Theoretical Framework

<p class="MsoNormal" style="text-indent:.5in;line-height:200%"> Three theoretical lenses were chosen to drive this study. The first theoretical lens, critical race theory (CRT) was used to explore what Akom (2008) referred to as the myth of “Ameritocracy” (p. 207) or that the United States is a color-blind society that rewards all individual determination, regardless of phenotype. In addition, CRT, which has been used in previous studies examining educational settings (Kumasi, 2011), allowed us as researchers to explore the continuing educational opportunity gaps that exist between Whites and Non-White students without reliance on cultural deficit thinking models. Furthermore, Dixson and Rousseau (2006) proposed that key to understanding CRT is conducting “a deeper analysis of the historical and contemporary conditions that have created socioeconomic disparities” (p. 122).

<p class="MsoNormal" style="line-height:200%">             There are several key tenets to CRT that were interwoven throughout the study. The first concept, double consciousness, is indicative of the continuous internal push/pull that is experienced by many ethnic and racial minorities as they simultaneously resist and assimilate the mainstream Eurocentric culture that exists within the United States (Du Bois, 1903). Hegemony, or the dominance of one ethnic or racial group over another, is another recurring theme throughout each section. Next, interest convergence, as proposed by Bell (1992), is the assumption that the White majority population only supports racial equality when they have a vested interested in the outcome. Intersectionality involves examining the codependence of race and ethnicity on other factors such as class and gender. Race is concerned with the characteristics that surround a particular group; race is fluid, and can be altered to serve the dominant group’s interest (Kumasi, 2011). Finally, racial identity is the measure or degree to which a person identifies with a particular racial or ethnic group (Kumasi, 2011).

<p class="MsoNormal" style="line-height:200%">             The second theoretical lens, social identity theory (SIT), aided me, as the researcher, in informing the study by providing the theoretical model by which racial conflict could be examined. Recognizing that all individuals possess some degree of prejudice and due to the existence of several forms of prejudice that are based on racial or ethnic stereotypes, critical to this study are the mechanisms for external and internal motivations that influence such beliefs as well as whether or not prejudiced views are controlled (Devine, Plant, Amodio, Harmon-Jones, & Vance, 2002). For educators, research in this area is especially important due to scholars having substantiated that self-regulatory behaviors often are developed during the first two decades of life when school is an integral part of the overall learning environment (Wright, Waterman, Prescott, & Murdoch-Eaton, 2003).

<p class="MsoNormal" style="line-height:200%">             Whereas a significant portion of social identity theory is concerned with how one group comes to view themselves (in-group) in comparison to members of another group (out-group), SIT was used as a device to detail a portion of the underlying causes that seemed to influence and to sustain group relationships. Some of these underlying causes included a focus on prescribed roles as well as the manipulation of the environments in which the individuals existed. Care was taken not only to address inter-racial relationships and their impact, but also to address the dynamics of intra-racial relationships. Particularly relevant to this inquiry were the perceptions and attitudes that individuals have adopted based on their affinity for their overall group identities.

<p class="MsoNormal" style="text-indent:.5in;line-height:200%;mso-layout-grid-align: none;text-autospace:none"> The third and final theoretical lens that guided this research was intergroup contact theory (IGT). Originally designed to address racial prejudice in the United States, the premise of this theory is that frequent and prolonged contact to other different groups should reduce the level of prejudice experienced provided that four conditions were met (Allport, 1954). Researchers have concluded that there are generally four accompanying conditions that must be satisfied if favorable outcomes toward out-group members are to be obtained (Pettigrew, 1998). The first condition, opportunity to interact, suggests that interactions between two groups must be of sufficient quality and quantity to support and to sustain a burgeoning friendship and understanding (Brewer & Brown, 1998; Pettigrew, 1998). The second condition, equal status, is prefaced on the position that the perception of evaluative status between two groups can profoundly influence the outcome of any interactions (Pettigrew, 1997). Therefore, the purposeful engagements of activities based on equal status are more likely to produce favorable consequences. Next, outcome dependency posits that when different groups tend to work toward common goals and interest, they have inherent reasons to find common bonds (Allport, 1954; Pettigrew, 1998). The fourth and final condition, authority support, suggests intergroup contact is more successful and norms for tolerance and acceptance are more quickly realized when those who are in positions of power embrace and support the intergroup cohesiveness (Pettigrew, 1997). Although researchers have provided some successful findings in seeing racial prejudices lowered using this approach, the complexity involved in attempting to connect intergroup contact and prejudice is indicative of attempting to reduce studies concerned with racial perceptions and attitudes to a minimal number of variables to be explored (Pettigrew, 1998).

<p align="center" class="MsoNormal" style="text-align:center;text-indent:.5in; line-height:200%;mso-layout-grid-align:none;text-autospace:none">Method

<p class="MsoNormal" style="text-indent:.5in;line-height:200%">A qualitative, collective case study approach was determined to be the best design to address the central research question:  “What are select African American teachers’ perceptions of their Latino students?”  Motivated by an advocacy/participatory philosophical perspective, use of a collective case study design allowed for the analysis and interpretation of in-depth data collected through a variety of methods (i.e., observations, individual interviews, and focus group interviews). This inquiry also included thick rich case descriptions that led to the production of case-based themes that were contained within a bounded system (Patton, 2002).

<p class="MsoNormal" style="line-height:200%;mso-layout-grid-align:none; text-autospace:none">Context

<p class="MsoNormal" style="text-indent:.5in;line-height:200%">The population from which the sample subset was selected was from a large intermediate school in a populated urban school district located in the Southwestern United States. This school was considered a typical case (Miles & Huberman, 1994) because it reflected the shifting demographic realities typical of U.S. urban school settings in metropolitan areas with African American and Latino populations (Aud et al., 2010). The school was located in a large urban district that had experienced tremendous shifts in demographics over the past two decades. That is, student enrollment in most of the district’s schools had shifted from a predominately White student enrollment to a majority of African American students in the 1990’s, and then in the 2000’s, from a predominant African American student enrollment to a more than 90% enrollment of Latino students, while still retaining a large percentage of African American teachers. In fact, a review of the state’s Academic Excellence Indicator System (AEIS) revealed that between 2002 and 2009, the school that was used in this study had experienced a steady increase in both African American teachers (22.0% to 52.6%) and Latino students (64.3% to 94.4%).

<p class="MsoNormal" style="line-height:200%;mso-layout-grid-align:none; text-autospace:none">Participant Sampling

<p class="MsoNormal" style="line-height:200%">Participant selection was based primarily on the phenomenon of interest (Collins, Onwuegbuzie, & Jiao, 2007); that is, African American teachers who taught classes that consisted of a majority of Latino students. In particular, critical case sampling was utilized and eligibility for potential study participation was limited only to selected African American teachers who taught large numbers of Latino students in their daily classrooms. For this inquiry, a purposively selected group of nine African American teachers were chosen from an overall potential school population of 30 teachers who self-identified as African American. Table 1 provides the demographics for each teacher participating in this study.

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<p class="MsoNormal" style="line-height:200%;mso-layout-grid-align:none; text-autospace:none">Data Collection

<p class="MsoNormal" style="line-height:200%;tab-stops:.5in">Participant interviews were conducted over a 6-month period using interview protocols that varied in format (i.e., individual interviews and focus group interviews) and were based on a review of the extant literature and application of the selected theoretical frameworks. The interview questions in the protocols for each format were purposely designed to be similar in order to ensure thick description in participants’ responses and attempt to reach saturation of data. Overall protocol questions were developed to follow case study structures that have been advocated by Stake (2005) and Yin (2009).

<p class="MsoNormal" style="text-indent:.5in;line-height:200%;mso-layout-grid-align: none;text-autospace:none">The interviews for this study were conducted in the natural setting of the school were the participants were employed during the summer months; however, they were conducted when no students were on campus. Individual interviews were conducted within each teacher’s respective classroom and the focus groups were conducted within the school’s library. During the actual interview process, no outside participants were allowed to be present to ensure complete confidentiality for the participants.

<p class="MsoNormal" style="text-indent:.5in;line-height:200%"> Throughout the study, several steps were taken by the lead researcher to understand his role as one of the researchers and how, as an African American teacher working in the school and, therefore, an indigenous insider, the teachers’ interview responses as well as his interpretations of the teacher participants’ perceptions might have been influenced. As Grant (2008) suggested, group affinity under social identity theory often dictates personal behavior of members and perceptions of other groups and can be affected by physical proximity to one’s self-identified group. Therefore, one approach the researcher took to understanding his role as the researcher was to go through a series of interpretive interviews. Onwuegbuzie, Leech, and Collins (2008) have suggested that the use of interpretive interviews by researchers might be advantageous to helping address the crisis of representation, legitimation, and praxis that are often present in qualitative research studies. The interpretive interview basically involves a process by which the interviewer/researcher is interviewed by another researcher using a protocol consisting of questions to elicit reflection on the researcher’s role in the research process. This reflexive process affords the researcher the opportunity to understand better his or her biases, influence on participants, and interpretations of data and results, as well as reexamine iteratively the procedures and process utilized. In addition to the use of interpretive interviews, other strategies that the researcher used to establish trustworthiness and credibility throughout the study included: employing an assistant moderator to take observational notes throughout all focus group interviews, maintaining a reflexive journal, and bracketing any a priori assumptions or biases that the researchers held throughout all phases of the study.

<p class="MsoNormal" style="line-height:200%;mso-layout-grid-align:none; text-autospace:none">Data Analysis

<p class="MsoNormal" style="line-height:200%;tab-stops:.5in">To identify emergent themes that were salient to the research questions, classical content analysis was employed to analyze the data (Berelson, 1952; see also Leech & Onwuegbuzie, 2007, 2008). This type of analysis involved the conversion of raw data into a set of coherent findings (Patton, 2002) in an attempt to identify emergent themes and patterns (Creswell, 2007). Individual participant responses were initially categorized along with frequency counts with broad preliminary themes being developed that were later explored through the use of reading, memoing, and coding. A second analytical approach allowed for the emergence of additional themes that were not readily apparent in the initial review of the data.

<p class="MsoNormal" style="text-indent:.5in;line-height:200%">Later, comparing themes and subthemes from the collection of individual and focus group interviews served to provide overall descriptions of the results from findings that included within-case and cross-case analyses (Miles & Huberman, 1994). In addition, two partially ordered meta-matrices were constructed to examine both the academic content and the length of teaching experience differences noted in the interview responses. Support for emergent themes and subthemes were supported by individual participant quotations that seemed to embody the essence of emergent themes and subthemes and that were memorialized as documentation of their existence (Maxwell, 1996).

<p align="center" class="MsoNormal" style="text-align:center;text-indent:.5in; line-height:200%">Findings

<p class="MsoNormal" style="text-indent:.5in;line-height:200%">A review of the findings from this study revealed that the African American teacher participants generally held negative perceptions toward the Latinos students that they served. These negative perceptions were reinforced and maintained by the African American teacher participants in their hegemonic relationships with their Latino students through one of three socially constructed double conscious frameworks that served to empower the teachers by employing characteristics of a White racial framing hierarchy that had been previously used upon them for purposes of control and dominance. These three fluid frameworks were: (a) an Eurocentric framework; (b) an Afrocentric framework; or (c) a combination of Eurocentric and Afrocentric frameworks. A cross-case analysis of data from both the individual and the focus group interviews revealed the emergence of five common themes and 12 emergent subthemes. Grounded primarily in cultural and linguistic differences, these five identified common themes that are discussed in the remainder of this article are typical of the arguments related to minority-majority statuses that have historically been used as a way to deflect the structural power differentials that are so salient to addressing educational inequalities (Vaught & Castagno, 2008). Table 1 offers a synopsis of the five common themes along with their constructed meanings and an example of a significant statement that elucidates each identified theme.

<p align="center" class="MsoNormal" style="text-align:center;text-indent:.5in">____________________

<p align="center" class="MsoNormal" style="text-align:center;text-indent:.5in">Insert Table 1 about here

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Language Barriers
<p class="MsoNormal" style="text-indent:.5in;line-height:200%">The emergent theme of language barriers emerged from teachers’ descriptions of the difficulties they encountered when individuals (e.g., students, parents) were unable to communicate fluently in a common language, primarily English in this case. Overall, the teachers in this study tended to associate students’ difficulties communicating effectively in English with a perception that this indicated poor academic abilities. The African American teachers in this study generally acknowledged their belief that English language proficiency was the single greatest predictor of an individual’s overall academic success. When further probed, many of the teachers expressed their belief that there was a negative relationship between a student’s academic performance and that student’s English language proficiency level. This association between teachers’ beliefs in language skills and students’ academic ability is relevant to previous findings that suggest links between teachers’ perceptions, their expectations for student achievement, and the enactment of those expectations in their behavior toward students (Hardre et al., 2008).

<p class="MsoNormal" style="text-indent:.5in;line-height:200%">Interestingly, the only negative case of this tendency among the teacher participants to associate language acquisition challenges with poor academic abilities, was the participant who was a new teacher and emphasized her view that bilingual skills were assets and not deficits to learning and academic abilities.

<p class="MsoNormal" style="line-height:200%">The teachers’ opinions about limited English skills were not confined to teacher-student relationships. Several teachers in this study also reported that their interactions with Latino parents intentionally were limited or completely non-existent when they discovered that their students’ parents had limited or no English skills. Even when a strong educational need existed for the teachers to contact the parents, several of the teachers reported feeling extremely reticent about contacting parents or refusing to contact parents at all when the teachers perceived potential language difficulties in communicating with the parents.

<p class="MsoNormal" style="line-height:200%">Level of Parental Support

<p class="MsoNormal" style="text-indent:.5in;line-height:200%">A second emergent theme in this study evolved from the teachers’ perceptions of Latino parents’ overall level of support for the educational process. As a theme, parental support was defined as active commitment and participation in the educational process on the part of parents. Throughout both interview processes, teachers in this study both individually and collectively reaffirmed their assumptions that Latino parents, in general, did not value education. These assumptions underscored earlier work by Valencia and Black (2002), who also highlighted the common misconception in the literature that Latino parents did not value education. Such a belief, these authors contended, is the result of a cultural mismatch between traditional Latino families and conventional U.S. educational systems. Other explanations in the literature included the ideas that Latino parents simply tended to have different cultural views and experiences related to their roles in the schooling process (Valdiviesa & Nicolau, 1992) or that some Latino people tend to live in linguistically isolated neighborhoods and might themselves lack appropriate educational levels (Suárez-Orozco, Suárez-Orozco, & Sattin-Bajaj, 2010). Related to this study, these potential explanations support some of the associated subthemes under this emergent theme of Level of Parental Support (i.e., teachers viewed as professional; existence of better relationships with other African American parents). Moreover, other scholars in researching Latino family perceptions of the value of education have found the perception that Latinos do not value education to be completely unfounded (Gandara & Contreras, 2009; Reese, Garnier, Gallimore, & Goldenberg, 2000; Yacovodonato, 2012). Understanding these seemingly subtle but critical differences and stereotypic perceptions related to the manner in which different racial or ethnic groups approach education is vital to decreasing the opportunity gaps that currently exist.

Gender Differences and Biases
<p class="MsoNormal" style="text-indent:.5in;line-height:200%">The third major identified theme in this study was related to observed gender differences and biases. In particular, this theme referred to behavioral characteristics distinguishing males and females as well as seemingly masculine and feminine prescribed roles. Marked identified cultural differences that existed between the African American teachers participating in this study and their Latino students were most readily apparent when gender differences and biases were discussed in the interview process. Largely referenced in terms of observable behaviors, den Brock et al. (2009) reported that for teachers and students with incongruent racial and ethnic backgrounds, behaviors might be perceived differently and consequently resulted in the individuals responding differently (e.g., African American teachers’ perceptions that Latino male students are less respectful toward female staff resulting in the female staff members becoming more aggressive toward the Latino male students).

<p class="MsoNormal" style="text-indent:.5in;line-height:200%">It was within this emergent theme and related subthemes (i.e., African American teachers are more aggressive; Latinos males more responsive to other males; specific prescribed gender roles) that the African American teacher participants were perhaps the most vocal and passionate about differences that they had experienced with their Latino students in general and with Latino male students in particular. Participants in this study often expressed a seemingly visceral belief in a general lack of respect for females by the Latino culture. The predominantly female African American group of teachers participating in this study also reported having to engage in more aggressive types of verbal and borderline physical behaviors with their male Latino students in order to obtain and to maintain what these African American teachers collectively termed their respect from this particular subset of students. At the same time, many of these Latino male students also simultaneously were beginning to enter adolescence, a period marked by growth and self-awareness. For many youth from marginalized ethnic backgrounds, adolescence is initiated by a time when individuals begin cognitively to connect personal experiences of racial or ethnic discrimination with certain ethnic affiliations (Flanagan et al., 2003).

Cultural Stereotypes and Biases
<p class="MsoNormal" style="text-indent:.5in;line-height:200%">The next identified theme in this qualitative study, cultural stereotypes and biases, was based on findings that were revealed during the cross-case analysis of the individual interviews and the focus group interviews. This theme was used to conceptualize and to construct the African American teachers’ reported perceptions of other individuals from different racial and ethnic backgrounds. Based primarily on the hierarchal structure of White Racial Framing, the African American teachers in this study who generally prescribed to this model posited that White people as a collective group are at one end of an imaginary spectrum whereas African American people as a group occupied the other end. Relevant to understanding this model is the assumption of not only the superiority of White people as a group, but the inferiority of all other groups who are also often distinguished from the White group by some tangible feature such as phenotype (Feagin & Cobas, 2008, p. 40; Taylor, 2006). Unknowingly and often subconsciously, the African American teachers in this study often reported employing many of these same hegemonic techniques (e.g., use of English language, ethnically isolated neighborhoods; heavily reliance on stereotypes) on their Latino students. The African American teachers’ continuous references related to the perceived slow rate of acculturation by their Latino students into the mainstream dominant culture of the United States was only one example of White Racial Framing being used by one racial or ethnic minority group to dominate another ethnic or racial minority group to hegemonic practices.

<p class="MsoNormal" style="line-height:200%">Under this umbrella theme of cultural stereotypes and biases, the participants freely discussed their widely held beliefs related to generalizations about other racial or ethnic groups, which were often prefaced on commonly held stereotypes. As an example of these generalizations, the participants openly acknowledged an assumption that both White and Asian American students consistently outperformed African American and Latino students academically. When probed about this seeming disparity between these groups’ achievements, many of the teachers conceded that their beliefs were based on physical attributes and characteristics such as the race or ethnicity of the student that they presumed correlated with academic achievement. In one instance, White students were characterized by the African American teachers as being diligent workers who were overly pleasing individuals with an innate drive to be at the pinnacle of the entire student group performance. Likewise, Asian American students were collectively described by the African American teacher participants as being hyper-focused with more parental involvement and resources than did any other racial or ethnic group and that they exhibited a strong desire to be high achieving that was instilled and nurtured from birth.

<p class="MsoNormal" style="line-height:200%">The African American teachers generally described their Latino students as being deficient in school readiness skills and unable to be taught at a regular rate of instruction. Several teachers in this study reported that they also believed that the emphasis in education had been taken away from that of the African American students and instead placed on Latino students. Furthermore, many of these same teachers reported that such a step was not necessary due to their assumptions that many of these same Latino students would be leaving school in the near future in order to apprentice in family businesses and jobs that many teachers described as being unskilled or semi-skilled trades that required very little academic proficiency.

<p class="MsoNormal" style="line-height:200%">The African American teacher responses related to the general value of education also were as direct when reporting on their perceptions toward other African American students and each other, as well. Many of the participants acknowledged varying levels of disillusionment and disappointment with respect to their African American students’ academic performance. With some possible identified causes such as low parental involvement and socio-environmental factors, many of these teachers reported that they noted their African American students often were more concerned with obtaining an athletic career than attaining academic achievement. An interesting postulation, however, was raised by several teachers in this study. That is, teachers expressed that African American students who were unsuccessful in either athletics or academics, unlike their Latino peers, often did not have the family structure in order to obtain a skill or trade and would, therefore, most likely lead to a life with few positive choices. Equally important, many of the teachers believed that their Latino students had the ability through family bonds to obtain training for jobs such as masonry or the construction trade and that African American people, as a whole, lacked these same resources. This was the only section of the study in which we believed that some of the African American teachers might have been envious of the perceived opportunities by Latino people to apprenticeships and, therefore, acquire a skill or trade without the benefit of a formal education.

<p class="MsoNormal" style="line-height:200%">Equally important, under this theme the concept of colorism emerged. Grounded in the assumption that societal privileges are extended based on the lightness or darkness of one’s skin color (Burke, 2008), some of the teachers in this study engaged in a rather lengthy discourse about the effects of skin color on classroom management as it related to their Latino students. Originally raised by one teacher as a societal stratification with White students, followed by Latino students, and, finally African American students, this dialogue ended with the African American teachers affirming that their Latino students seemed to exhibit more fear of the darker skinned African American teachers than of the lighter skinned African American teachers when the teachers used the level and amount of classroom management that was required in order to maintain control and discipline as the dependent variable. These same teachers also reported that their White teaching peers also routinely recruited the darker skinned African American teachers in their efforts to gain control over their own respective classrooms. Thus, this finding suggested that the Latino students’ classroom behaviors might have been related to the physical attributes of the respective teacher.

Impact of Race, Ethnicity, and Socioeconomic Status
<p class="MsoNormal" style="text-indent:.5in;line-height:200%">The fifth and final emergent theme from this study evolved from an examination of the confluence of race, ethnicity, and socioeconomic status. This theme was used to examine the participants’ reported low perceptions of their Latino students that were a direct result of the perceived low socioeconomic status level of the student and her/his family. Based in intersectionality under the CRT framework, this theme was defined for this study as the socio, political, and cultural context combining income level and environmental factors. For many of these students who often resided in monolinguistic neighborhoods with low income levels, the connection between poverty and low academic performance has been well documented (Berliner, 2006).

<p class="MsoNormal" style="line-height:200%">In general, the African American teachers appeared to perceive Latino students and their families to have different levels of acculturation to the mainstream U.S. culture. In many cases, the level of perceived acculturation by the teachers was greatly influenced by the Latino students’ family nativity or country of origin. This was also a salient finding due to researchers having affirmed that nativity has been connected with Latino educational performance (Lopez, 2009). Particularly, Latino students who were born in the United States or who had parents who were born in the United States tended to perform better academically than did those students who were not born in the United States or whose parents were not born in the United States (Lopez, 2009). Additionally, teachers in this study also routinely characterize Latino students with higher family income levels as being more school ready, better motivated, and having stronger English language skills: all characteristics indentified by the study’s participants as critical to academic success.

<p align="center" class="MsoNormal" style="text-align:center">Discussion 

<p class="MsoNormal" style="line-height:200%"> 

<p class="MsoNormal" style="text-indent:.5in;line-height:200%">The findings from this qualitative study suggested that the African American teachers participating in this study expressed some resentment towards their Latino students and the students’ families, based on many of the teachers’ negative or stereotypical statements made during the interviews. The African American teachers in this study provided some reasons for their negative perceptions toward their Latino students, which generally were related to issues of language, culture, and identity. These issues are commonly associated with social group identity and what distinguishes in-groups and out-groups. For example, in previous studies, researchers have demonstrated that teachers’ perceptions occur holistically and systematically and involve the combining of existing social structures, personal and group identification, strength and intensity of their own belief systems, and the integration of their own knowledge base and skills (Hattingh & de Kock, 2008). This appeared evident in the teacher participants’ perceptions in this study.

<p class="MsoNormal" style="line-height:200%">Particularly for Latino people who speak Spanish, challenges associated with language acquisition skills have helped to perpetuate what some researchers have termed triple segregation—race, poverty, and language—which has been consistently linked to unsatisfactory educational outcomes  (Suárez-Orozco et al., 2010). Researchers have contended that students with limited English skills should be assessed based on the student’s own level of bilingualism and bi-literacy and that classrooms activities should be adapted accordingly, which these teachers did not report as doing within their respective classrooms (Rolon, 2005; Suárez-Orozco et al., 2010). Even though some of the teachers themselves in the study were assigned to programs such as ELL as part of the ongoing remediation process to reduce the gaps in language acquisition skills, the inconsistent policies and practices of many bilingual programs, coupled with teachers who might have been involuntarily placed in these programs or who had very little interest in their successes, were indicative of the systemic failure of many of the nation’s second language programs (Suárez-Orozco & Suárez-Orozco, 2009).

<p class="MsoNormal" style="text-indent:.5in;line-height:200%">The intense focus on Spanish-speaking Latino students’ language skill development by the teachers in this study also might have served to obscure other important aspects of adapting to a U.S. school system, especially for those students and families attempting to assimilate into a new culture acquiring acculturation and coping skills (Boden, Sherman, Usry, & Cellitti, 2009). Problems associated with language also have been traditionally cited as being one of the underlying reasons for minorities’ low performance on standardized tests (Altshuler & Schmautz, 2006). Although there is a dearth in the literature related specifically to cultural biases and Latino students with respect to language (Escamilla, Mahon, Riley-Bernal, & Rutledge, 2003; National Center for Education Statistics, 1995), a clear connection between poverty and low academic performance has been well established (Jones, 2007). Whereas many of the ELL students in this study come from poor socioeconomic backgrounds, they often must overcome many testing obstacles for which few culturally responsive materials were admittedly not provided.

<p class="MsoNormal" style="text-indent:.5in;line-height:200%">Researchers also have shown that qualities of a good teacher are culturally dependent and can be influenced by an existing cultural system (Gu, 2010; Reichel & Arnon, 2009). For many of the female African American teachers in this study, the influence of the intersectionality of their cultural and gender identities was reflected in their self-images as strong and powerful African American women. Within their traditional roles as strong African American women, many of these same teachers constantly felt at odds with their Latino students and, in some cases, their students’ families, over what they perceived to be conventional gender roles of females within Latino culture, even if these perceptions might have been stereotypic. For this group of African American teachers, these gender role perceptions of females within the Latino community appeared to present them with some of the greatest challenges in teaching Latino students in a racially incongruent classroom environment.

<p class="MsoNormal" style="text-indent:.5in;line-height:200%">Unfortunately, the African American teachers in this study, like most People of Color, also had no shortage of experiences from racism from which to draw in their everyday lives (Kohli, 2009). The resulting intersectionality of the perceptions of racism and discrimination also is impacted by one’s culture and affects the behaviors of both the individual and the group (Grant, 2008). It has been shown to have an especially profound effect on shaping and strengthening of social identities among racial and ethnic minorities (Jetten, Branscombe, Schmitt, & Spears, 2001; Portes & Rumbaut, 2001). Therefore, the African American teachers in this study were positively motivated to highlight features that would distinguish themselves from the Latino group (Jetten et al., 2004; Jones, Manstead, & Livingstone, 2009; Tajfel, Billig, Bundy, & Flament, 1971).

<p class="MsoNormalCxSpMiddle" style="text-indent:.5in;line-height:200%">By highlighting differences such as language, culture, and even rates of assimilation, the African American teachers attempted relatively to distinguish themselves from the Latino group in a number of ways. Such distinctions appealed to the ideology of White racial framing that was based on a Eurocentric framework (Feagin & Cobas, 2008). This cultural navigation that many of the African American teachers in this study often displayed through their behaviors has been referred to as the push and pull of double consciousness. Initially discussed by Du Bois (1903), refers to the internal and external struggles that many ethnic or racial minorities in the United States experience as they attempt to assimilate within the dominant Eurocentric framework, while simultaneously attempting to maintain some ties to their own unique cultural identities. The growing size and influence of the Latino population as being the largest ethnic minority group and, therefore, replacing African Americans as the largest racial minority group in the United States, might actually have served as a catalyst for the teachers in the study to protect their group identities through a variety of techniques that were normally associated with a sign of group loyalty (Bliuc, McGarty, Reynolds, & Muntele, 2007; Grant, 2008; Klandermans, 2004; Strumer & Simon, 2004).

<p align="center" class="MsoNormalCxSpMiddle" style="text-align:center;text-indent: .5in;line-height:200%">Implications

<p class="MsoNormal" style="text-indent:.5in;line-height:200%">Several implications for educators to consider emerged in carrying out this study on teacher-student incongruencies between selected African American teachers and their Latino students. The first implication is that for educators, both pre- and in-service training should provide opportunities to teach educators potential strategies for inclusion and incorporation of positive racial idiosyncrasies into both the classroom and the school. Education scholars have stressed that it is paramount that teachers are trained in how to integrate students’ history, language, literature, and music into daily classroom activities and lessons and to help students understand how their own culture is woven into the larger context of the United States in order to enhance positively the student’s self image (Levine, Irizanny, & Bunch, 2008).

<p class="MsoNormal" style="text-indent:.5in;line-height:200%">A second implication from these findings related to professional development is to provide specific components of training that focus on helping educators understand how perceptions and stereotypes are formulated for both students and teachers. Because teaching is culturally laden (Gu, 2010), teachers must be educated to become keenly aware of the impact of their own values and belief systems and how those values and beliefs potentially affect their resulting behaviors (Samuel, 2003), especially for students who are ethnically or racially different than are their teachers. In addition, teachers also might benefit from developing an understanding of how their behaviors might impact the way that their students perceive and respond to them. Again, Tosolt (2008) noted that it is equally important for teachers to recognize that many students hold different worldviews than they do and to acknowledge those worldviews.

<p class="MsoNormal" style="text-indent:.5in;line-height:200%">The third and final policy implication is that as schools continue to function as social institutions. We must begin to have open, honest, and often uncomfortable conversations about issues related to race and ethnicity in order to address the continuing opportunity gaps that exist among various ethnic and racial groups (Duncan & Magnuson, 2005; Muschkin & Beck, 2007). Recognizing that race is a complicated issue in this country, researchers have continually advocated that issues associated with race and ethnicity always will impact social institutions such as schools, especially given the shifting demographics of the U.S. population (Darder & Torres, 2004; Dutro, Kazemi, Balf, & Lin, 2008). Although race and racial relations have been the subject of some previous discussions, these conversations generally were prefaced on a binary view of racial relations between African Americans and Whites (Bogan & Darity, 2008; Griffin & Flavin, 2007). Today, the changing and complex view of race and racial relations, especially within the United States dictates that these conversations move beyond the confines of this dichotomous and stymied view to one that encompasses the complexity and fluidity of current racial issues and racism to include within and across ethnic and racial minority groups (Burton, Bonilla-Silva, Ray, Buckelew, & Freeman, 2010; National Research Council, 2006).

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<p class="MsoNormal" style="margin-left:.5in;text-indent:-.5in;line-height:200%">Yin, R. K. (2009). Case study research: Design and methods, Vol. 5. Applied social research methods series (4th ed.). Thousand Oaks, CA: Sage.

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<p class="MsoNormal" style="line-height:200%">Table 1

<p class="MsoNormal" style="line-height:200%">Description of Individual and Focus Groups Emergent Themes

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