Gender-Based Violence in Costa Rican Educational Settings

Gender-Based Violence in Costa Rican Educational Settings

Cedric B. Stewart

Sam Houston State University

Abstract

This article reviews the extant literature that explores some of the prevailing causes that sustain gender-based violence in Costa Rican public schools. In this context, gender-based violence is described as a generic term that refers to violence targeting individuals or groups of females based solely on their gender (Izuni, 2007). The examination of the literature was conducted using both a critical race theory and a Latino critical theory framework. Salient findings included: 1) cultural and societal factors, 2) educational beliefs and accomplishments, 3) existing gender gaps, 4) institutional barriers, 5) gender specific violence, and 6) human security issues. The article concludes with implications for changes within the current system.

Gender-Based Violence in Costa Rican Educational Settings

Introduction

The goal of this research was to examine potential factors that affect and sustain gender-based violence in the Costa Rican educational system as described in the current literature. Gender-based violence is an ancient and universal problem occurring in almost every culture (Ellsberg, 2006). Gender based-violence is a culturally specific act that results in the physical, psychological, or sexual harm of suffering to a person based on their gender (Izuni, 2007). The damage caused by gender-based violence may be physiological, psychological, or both, and can be long lasting. This spectrum of violence is broad and includes threats, coercion, or arbitrary deprivations of liberty (Izuni, 2007). The many statements, resolutions, reports, and actions taken at international and regional level human rights conferences may be interpreted as the current value given to topics that are related to gender-based violence as a global phenomenon (Marshall, 2008).

In a 2006 (United Nations) study conducted on behalf of the United Nations, researchers found growing evidence that suggested violence in and around schools are occurring worldwide and must be addressed immediately. This same United Nations report included gender-based violence as an area of growing concern. The existing research, however, into gender-based violence is limited, and has tended to focus primarily on sexual harassment and abuse (Leach & Humphreys, 2007).

Particularly in Latin America and the Caribbean region, efforts to improve laws and policies that were related to gender-based violence have generally focused on overhauling existing legal frameworks that supported national legislation and created new specialized legislation that sought to reform existing national and civil codes (Morrison, Ellsberg, & Bott, 2004). However, both efforts have seen limited success for legislation has historically been only the initial step in attempting to alter and eradicate this cultural phenomenon. Although the evidence does suggest that gender-based violence is widespread in educational settings, the data in which to determine the magnitude and scope of the problem is scarce concerning this topic with respect to the Latin American and Caribbean region (Leach & Humphreys, 2007).

By viewing gender-based violence through the lenses of both critical race theory and Latino critical theory, researchers are able to view the roles of the females as not only victims but also view them within the context of their unique cultural experiences (Lasden-Billings & Tate, 1995). The use of critical race theory and Latino race theory as conceptual frameworks enables the patterns and practices of discrimination that may be directly or covertly employed to be readily identified (Solórzano & Yosso, 2001; Villalpando, 2003). Both critical race theory and Latino critical theory are increasingly being utilized by scholars that are seeking to more profoundly understand the school experience and its implications as is relates to this ethnic population (Villalpando, 2003).

The topic of gender-based violence can be encompassing and can include a wide variety of factors as well as a myriad of environmental settings. For this reason, the researcher elected to bracket the topic within educational settings of the nation of Costa Rica. Unfortunately, research about sexual issues, especially involving children, can be sensitive and somewhat limited. Therefore, the collection of research upon which this work is based is circumscribed (Leach & Humphreys, 2007). Furthermore, the limited research that is available tended to focus on indentifying and understanding gender violence and has been primarily relegated to developing countries or those with dynamic political unrest (Dunn, Humphreys, & Leach, 2006). A systematic review of the literature suggested that currently little information is available on this topic as it relates to Costa Rican educational settings, thereby necessitating a need for further studies.

School Violence

The issues that are related to school violence continue to be of paramount importance to any society. Ensuring and maintaining a safe and caring environment for every student are a global responsibility for all educators, school administrators, policymakers, and members of their collective communities (Akiba, 2008). If students are to be provided opportunities to engage in meaningful learning and teachers’ opportunities to fully instruct, then the environment that they inhabit must be free from distractions and concerns that are related to crime and violence (National Center for Education Statistics [NCES], 2003). School violence internationally has become the focus of topics for both the public and the mass media following shocking events such as past school shootings (Tait, 2006). Tragic events such as these school shootings generally resulted in the moral outrage and heightened public awareness of the ultimate dangers of school violence.

While places such as Columbine, Colorado and Jonesboro, Tennessee are painful reminders of the tragic infamy that are often associated with such unspeakable acts of school violence within the this country, school safety and violence are not uniquely concerns to the United States (Bon, Faircloth, & LeTendre, 2006). For example, in the Netherlands a national school campaign was initiated for school safety that focused on violence prevention and intervention (Bongers, Prior, & Walvaren, 2003). A reported series of attempted murders with knives on Israel’s school grounds were the impetus for school safety to be elevated to the top of the Israeli Ministry of Education agenda (Benbenishty & Astor, 2005). As a result, a monitoring system was ultimately established to collect longitudinal data from students, teachers, and principals. In Costa Rica, one school, Escuela Lider de Pacuare, began a program that allowed students to exchange guns and other implementations of violent playthings for free school supplies, uniforms, and other necessary items (Staff, 2008).

Whereas some acts of school violence are progressively encroaching and occupying spaces that were typically believed to be immune to such actions, several researchers have begun to analyze the factors that can contribute to the phenomenon (Due et al., 2005; Linares, Diaz, Fuentes, & Acien, 2009). Some commonly indentified traits have included the type and location of the school (i.e. urban or rural, elementary or secondary), specific characteristics of the student population, socio-economic status, academic achievement, prior victimization, and the victims or perpetrators previous experiences witnessing violence (Akiba, 2008; NCES, 2003; Schiavonne, 2009). Still, there is a great deal of difficulty surrounding the issue of school violence, especially related to defining violence and finding explanations for the origins and causes of the violence that are practiced in school settings.

The fairly recent but growing study of gender-based violence in schools is the resulting intersection of gender-related issues and socio-economic development concerns (Leach & Humphreys, 2007). Increasing concerns such as a females’ universal access to formal education as a pathway to social and economic betterment has provided an impetus for researching and understanding the subject matter (Mirembe & Davies, 2001). Finally, world health reports that revealed that schools were often places that females were sexually assaulted and increased their vulnerability to HIV infection gave rise to increasing issues related to gender, sexuality, and schooling (Dunn, Humphreys, & Leach, 2006).

Gender Based Violence

Schools simply reflect the greater society in which they exist and the same forms of violence that women suffer throughout their lives are present within the lives of girls in and around the schools that they attend (Attar-Schwartz & Khoury-Kassabri, 2008). As a result, school-aged girls or boys both can be the victims of some form of violence. However, girls are more likely to be the victims, especially of a sexually orientated nature, which can often have a more insidious result (Leach & Humphreys, 2007). The majority of these violent episodes initially begins as threats and insults and is often ignored by those that are in positions of power or authority (Ttofi & Farrington, 2008). Teachers and other school personnel that are viewed as authoritative figures or as roles models may themselves be the culprits in many of these attacks (Anderson & Ho-Foster, 2008).

Gender- based violence tends to be culturally specific, therefore, different social and cultural context are critical to understanding its effects on a particular population (Bent-Goodley, 2009). Some examples include such random or deliberate acts as “acid attacks” against young women in Muslin countries and sexual harassment in South Africa (Leach & Humphreys, 2007). The proliferation and intensity of cyber bullying in Western nations also underscores the dynamic and changing manifestation of the associated behaviors (Leach & Humphreys, 2007).

Although the forms of gender-based violence do seem to be culturally specific, the underlying causes of them seem to share similar characteristics (Leach & Humphreys, 2007). Within schools, gender-based acts of violence are commonly contextualized through both the formal and informal processes of schooling that serves to reinforce gendered norms of behavior (Connell, 2002). Several studies have indentified examples of these informal practices and task assignments such as providing high status opportunities for boys and domestic jobs for girls; allowing girls to be subordinated to boys with respect to physical and verbal space within the classroom; and, tolerating various forms of sexual harassment as simple gender rights of passages (Dunn et al., 2006; Mirembe & Davies, 2001). Additionally, some current pedagogical practices have also indirectly reinforced gender stereotyping. These stereotyping practices included such efforts as authoritarian teaching practices, narrowly focused curricula, and competitive assessment procedures (Leach & Humphreys, 2007). Pattman and Chege (2003) have also suggested that in a study conducted in Africa, permissible double standards operated within the school system, thereby, only adding to the perceived roles for specific gender identification. These researchers (Pattman & Chege, 2003) noted a continuing and prevailing attitude that expected girls to be simultaneously sexually inexperienced yet available and desirable. Concurrently, boys were expected to demonstrate physical prowess through physical strength and sexual conquest. Attempts made to regulate and maintain these culturally constricted behavioral roles usually involved teasing, playing, gossiping, and in many cases, more overt violent physical means.

Theoretical Framework

As a researcher, I approached the review and synthesis of the existing literature on gender-based violence in Costa Rican educational settings from both a critical race theory and a Latino race theory perspective. The use of the combined theories emphasized the importance of viewing practices, policies, and policymaking within the appropriate historical and cultural context of the subjects studied (Villalpando, 2003). This combined approach ultimately aided in facilitating the understanding between race and racism and the overall implications for both social equity and justice (Hernandez-Truyal, Harris, & Valdes, 2006). Critical race theory historically has been represented by a broad expanse of literature that has attempted to help comprehend oppressive acts conducted within a society in an effort to initiate processes that could eventually lead to significant transformations (Solórzano & Yosso, 2001). However, critical race theory further postulates that scholars within this field of study cannot simply advocate that it is race alone but the praxis of race, class, and gender that accounts for the oppression of certain marginalized groups (Barnes, 1990).

Whereas there are similarities between both critical race theory and Latino race theory, the birth of the latter was the result of the need for a more detailed analysis to address grander social and cultural issues that were indicative specifically to the Latino population (Villalpando, 2003). Latino critical theory encompasses all of the underpinnings found within critical race theory as well as focusing specifically on the unique experiences of the Latino culture (Valdes, 1996). Latino race theory further helps to provide a theoretical framework that can be used to analyze and interpret such ethnically and socially related phenomenon as language, culture, sexuality, identity, and phenotypes (Villalpando, 2003). Finally, Latino race theory provides a more valid and reliable approach for scholars to observe and study those issues that affect Latino oppression (Solórzano & Yosso, 2001).

Research Question

In light of the limited research available on gender-based violence in Costa Rican society in general and, specifically, in the educational system, this review addressed the following research question: What are some of the possible factors that affect and sustain gender-based violence in Costa Rican schools?

Research Methodology

In addressing the research question, I reviewed the existing body of literature that was devoted to the general topic of gender-based violence. This review included both a Boolean and a specific termed search using a variety of electronic databases that encompassed the broadest search possible. Although my initial searched provided a large expanse of seemingly related topics, upon closer inspection of the materials, I discovered that a great deal of research conducted on gender-based violence that happens within schools tended to focus on physically violent acts that were perpetrated against females but where located primarily in Africa and other developing nations. The existing literature also revealed significant gaps in other areas of school related gender-based violence such as female initiated violence, corporal punishment, and homosexuality. Particularly in Latin America and the Caribbean region, research related to violence in schools was normally relegated to guns, gang violence, and drug trafficking (Leach & Humphreys, 2007).

A meta-synthesis qualitative approach was utilized as a method to help interpret, understand, and explain the phenomenon of gender-based violence (Walsh & Downe, 2005). Qualitative meta-synthesis is a particular type of qualitative study that uses data from other qualitative studies linked by some common factor (Zimmer, 2006). In seeking to study a multi-dimensional topic such as gender-based violence, the focus provided by the use of a meta-synthesis technique may actually aid the researcher in uncovering the many possible layers that may not be readily apparent in a stand-alone study (Sanderlowski, Dochetry, & Emden, 1997). The use of micro-ethnographic studies have previously resulted in the researcher having the capacity, at least, to examine overlapping cultured fields that perhaps would not be so readily apparent within specific fields of knowledge (Walsh & Downe, 2005).

Analysis of the research findings were conducted without any priori set of beliefs. Strauss and Corbin’s (1998) open-ended and inducted coding methods were utilized to categorize the data found. My analysis resulted in six general themes that tended to transcend the limited extant literature.

Findings

Background Information

Costa Rica is a relatively stable democratic country in Latin America with no standing army and a developing middle-level economy. It has recently begun having difficulties in maintaining the social advancements that are indicative of such a rapidly developing society due to growing glaring inequalities within certain groups. These marginalized groups of people include, but are not limited to, indigenous natives, immigrants, homeless children, women, people of African descent, and the disabled. Costa Rica is a multicultural society that consists of indigenous people that encompasses eight different ethnic groups which comprise 1.7 % of the total population. The Costa Rican citizens of African descent compromise another 1.9 % of the population. Finally, Costa Rica contains a large number of immigrants from such neighboring countries as Colombia, Nicaragua, and Panama. Between 1984 and 2000, the Nicaraguans who represents the largest group of foreign immigrants, increased in population from 3.7 to 8.7 % of the total population. Although the immigrants contribute to the total national economy, most of them are poor and often experience difficulties accessing appropriate social services.

Impact of Culture and Socialization

Culture simply defines who we are as a people, reflects our collective values, and articulates our hope for the future (Schein, 1985). Culture shapes and defines the world around us to provide a frame of reference from upon which we interact and react (Nieto, 2000). Culture can be divided into two parts: objective and subjective (Davis, Cho, & Hageson, 2005). Objective culture refers to the more visible tangible aspects that are relatively easy to indentify. Subjective culture, however, is more profound and generally occurs within people's minds and emotions. It is often difficult to verbalize these specific elements for most people lack the requisite vocabulary skills adequately to convey their thoughts and perceptions at this level (Davis et al., 2005). Traindis (1972) argued that the most meaningful part of culture is the subjective part. These intangible and invisible norms are often where gender typical behavior lies.

Likewise, socialization is the process through which cultural norms of a culture are learned (Wagner, 2005). It is the method by which we internalize the expectations and functions of the social and cultural roles of the society in which we inhabit (Stein & Morales, 2003). We tend to acquire socialization through a number of socializing agents that in turn creates and reinforces our knowledge and beliefs (Wagner, 2005). Beliefs and family practices along with media portrayals still make eliminating gender stereotypes in education difficult to eradicate (Oettler, 2007; Stein & Morales, 2003).

The mass media is an important vehicle for maintaining and creating the collective cultural values and social norms (Oettler, 2007). Although gender violence is not completely ignored by the mainstream Central American press, each country chooses to handle it differently (Sagot, 2005). In Costa Rica for example, newspapers tend to provide more comprehensive reports on gender-based violence than in some other neighboring countries (Oettler, 2007).

'''Educational Beliefs and Accomplishments '''

The Costa Rican Political Constitution recognizes education as a basic human right and guarantees a free and compulsory education to all citizens (Stein & Morales, 2003). Education is viewed as a system for closing the existing gaps between the social classes. Initial gender enrollment in school for both males and females are relatively equal with a reported high literacy rate for both sexes (Stein & Morales, 2003). Costa Rica is continually attempting to develop its' country's economy. For that reason, many understand that the equal participation of women in education demonstrates an effort by the government to publicly maximize equity and equality and must be a prerequisite in order to obtain this goal (Noonon, 2002). Realizing complete educational gender equality and equity in Costa Rica is difficult, however, because it is a complex issue. One of the problems in achieving universal educational equity in Costa Rica is that the complex structures that are rooted in patriarchal societal structures which limit females to social reproduction and often devalues women’s knowledge and skills must first be overcome if true equality and equal access is to be achieved (Noonon, 2002).

The historical gaps between men and women have necessitated the creation of policies and practices that legislatively guarantees equal access to educational practices and services to resources. This legislative mandate has not only been required for females, but is especially necessary for those females that are poor, indigenous, of African descent or who may have a disability (Stein & Morales, 2003). Several programs have been undertaken to improve gender equity within the educational system. For example, in 1984 and with the ratification of the Convention on the Elimination of all Forms of Discrimination Against Women (CEDAW), Costa Rica initiated its' first efforts aimed at eradicating previous sexist stereotypes and practices that served to legitimize all forms of gender inequality in educational settings. Later, the 1990 Act for promoting the Social Equality of Women was a further attempt by the government to ensure gender equality by mandating that the central government and all educational institutions be responsible for guaranteeing equal opportunities for men and women not only in terms of educational settings, but in the quality of educational services received. In 2000, a Gender Equity Office was established under the Ministry of Public Education and a strategic plan was developed to increase gender equality and equity between men and women throughout the system.

The "Building a Gender Equity Culture in Leader Schools' Project" was conducted between 1999 and 2002 by the Office of the First Lady (Stein & Morales, 2003). Its goal was to use a diagnostic tool within the classrooms to identify and analyze existing sexist practices. Among other changes made, this project led to a more equitable distribution of space both within the classrooms and on the playground. The Ministry of Education's Program to Improve the Quality of Education and Life of Priority Urban Communities (PROMECUM) created an initiative that was designed for the total inclusion of boys and girls in a comprehensive educational program. Although this program did not operate from a gender equity philosophy, the program did function, however, under the principle that education was an inherent right for both genders. Its’ main achievements included more school infrastructure, greater teacher professionalism, a reduction in the dropout rate to 3.5%, and an increase in the graduation rate to 78%.

The creation of the Gender Equity Office of the Ministry of Education has been in itself a step in moving toward gender equality. This office has been instrumental in developing and promoting initiatives that have resulted in overhauled curricula that are sensitive to certain gender differences as well as the development and support of non-sexist teaching methodologies. The production of "Towards the Twenty-First Century" series textbooks was the culmination of the government's efforts to produce text that contained language and illustrations that did not reinforce gender roles or stereotypes. The "Building Opportunities" and "Young Love" programs were inter-institutional and intersectional measures designed to target pregnant girls and teenagers, young mothers, and others that were in a state of social risk. These programs were initially designed to reintegrate these groups of at-risk females as well as aiding in preventing them from dropping out of the formal educational system. The program’s aims were to strengthen the participants both personally and collectively though information and empowerment so that the participants exercised their basic human rights. In addition to these accomplishments, the Gender Equity Office of the Ministry of Education  has developed a Strategic Action Plan containing 21 measures that included: adapting educational legislation to meet the gender equality and equity issues; the equitable access of women to management positions in education; instructing both staff and students in educational institutions on accessing the Sexual Harassment in Employment and Teaching Act; and, the development of equity indicators to measure the quality of education. However, even which such systematic changes, lingering profound disparities within the educational system still exist today (Walker, 2008).

'''Existing Gender Gaps'''

The educational system still contains gender gaps that are the product of cultural concepts that have been passed on either directly or indirectly through both the formal and hidden curriculums (Stein & Morales, 2003). The hidden curriculum that exists still produces gender stereotypes, prescribed gender roles, and social relationships that foster females’ subrogation to males. This hidden curriculum extends beyond the limits of the school setting and into the family and community (Benbenishty & Astor, 2005). These beliefs and customs have often hindered women from being completely integrated into the social, political, and economic life of the country (Noonon, 2002). They have also stymied women from complete equality in living conditions and enriching their quality of life (Sagot, 2005). These gaps and inequalities must be overcome if true equality between both sexes is to be universally realized.

Moreover, the school curriculum has failed to address specific needs and interest for females and males with regard to the infrastructure and teaching aids utilized. Current educational practices continue to produce careers that are often based on gender discrimination (Walker, 2008). In classes that are designed to fill traditionally female held occupations, female enrollment is 200% greater than males and in classes that are designed to supply traditionally male occupations, female enrollment is less than 60%. The growing practice of mothers beginning to place a greater value on education for women entering the labor markets combined with males entering the workforce at younger ages, especially in the rural areas, seems to account for a large portion of the educational progress that women are making in the Costa Rican educational system (Noonon, 2002). Professional and technical jobs held by women have also seen the greatest advancement due to improving educational opportunities (Luciana, Esim, & Duvvury, 2005). Females’ presence rose in the professional and technical job areas from 23.3 % in 1990 to 29.9 % in 2000. In addition, increased educational opportunities for women have resulted in such collateral increases as better health care for women, their families, and the overall health of the communities in which they live. Women are now becoming more active in the political processes and are starting to make greater demands for overall human rights (Luciana et al., 2005).

Although the educational opportunities of women in Costa Rica have improved dramatically over the past twenty years when compared to men in the country, it still has been difficult to eliminate all teaching practices that produce gender domination (Stein & Morales, 2003). Even with the creation of the Gender Equity Office in 2000, progress has been slow. Poor accountability practices as well as limited funding are two of the main reasons cited for the slow implementation of total gender equity practices into the educational system (Mahoney & Pinedo, 2007). In addition, the Ministry of Education does not provide travel allowances for teachers to attend workshops on such issues as recognizing sexist languages and other discriminatory practices so that teachers may begin to work from gender equal positions (Stein & Morales, 2003). Coupled with the fact that most public school teachers must comply with a 200-day contractual obligation, it leaves little time for additional staff development that could possibly lead to eradicating existing sexist practices.

'''Institutional Barriers'''

A significant portion of the barrier to achieving equitable education has been from the formidable presence of the Catholic Church in Latin America (Stein & Morales, 2003). The church often has used its considerable power to block such controversial topics as sexual education, including the use of condoms and the prevention and transmission of HIV/AIDS. Any major changes must be routinely negotiated with ecclesiastical authorities because of the perceived threat to Christian morality. Even though Article 75 of the Costa Rican constitution which guaranteed the Roman Catholic religion as the nation's official religion has been amended, the church is still wielding considerable influence in decisions that are solely the responsibility of the government and its' democratically elected representatives (Noonon, 2002; Oettler, 2007; Stein & Morales, 2003).

Commonly and long-held prejudices and sexist practices are reproduced and reinforced through socio-cultural gender patterns that occur inside and outside of the classroom (Stein & Morales, 2003). Therefore, gender inequalities cannot be legislated away simply by providing equal access to educational institutions. Although gender defines sexual identity, more importantly gender roles identify specific behaviors thought to be normal or socially acceptable when carried out by members of a particular society (Oettler, 2007). Even as gender roles change between cultures to meet the adapting needs of society, all participants quickly learn at an early age the consequences of nonconformity (Walker, 2008).

'''Gender-Specific Violence'''

Gender based violence is often a sensitive barometer of power relationships with females being the subordinate (United Nations, 2006). Any action that forces an individual into a socially constructed role that has been ascribed to them based solely on gender is a form of gender-based violence (Attar-Schwartz & Khoury-Kassabri, 2008). Violence against Costa Rican women reached heightened concerns in 2002 when twenty-four women were murdered by their husbands or companions (Richman, 2002). One female judge in the judicial system argued that the growing Costa Rican economy provided the paradoxical emphasis for the rising level of gender specific violence (Marshall, 2008). As women continue to gain economic independence and freedom, many males reacted violently (Oettler, 2007). Violence against women and children continue to be a major concern (United Nations Children’s Fund [UNCF], 2007). Between 2000 and 2001, reported cases of domestic abuse and request for protection increased by 25% (United Nations, 2006). During 2004, 21% of all reported domestic violence cases involved children under the age of 14. One out of every 10 children worked in 2002. During this same period, 27% of the adolescent population neither attended school nor worked. Ultimately, the goal of violence is to divest an individual of their self-worth by stripping them of their basic human dignity and self-respect (Due et al., 2005; Dunn et al., 2006).

Domestic violence is not the only issue that is related to gender violence (Walker, 2008). Other issues related to gender violence includes the protection of children and the sexual exploitation of women and children (Anderson & Ho-Foster, 2008; Dunn et al., 2006; Izuni, 2007). Violence may take many forms and different shapes such as bullying, name-calling, harassment, intimidation, and or abuse (Bongers et al., 2003). It is the inappropriate or misuse or abuse of power over another (Connell, 2002).

A growing body of evidence suggests that violence against women and girls can lead to fatal outcomes including suicide, homicide, and AIDS-related deaths (Akiba, 2008; Attar-Schwartz & Khoury-Kassabri, 2008; Dunn et al., 2006; Leach & Humphreys, 2007). Victims of school-related gender-based violence have reported a wide range of behavioral and emotional impacts including the loss of sleep and appetite, anxiety, and feelings of pervasive hopelessness (Ellsberg, 2006). Depression is one of the most common consequences of gender-based violence (Ellsberg, 2006).

Schools have often been the institution where wider acts of discrimination in society are often reflected. Many perpetrators of gender-based violence reported that existing cultural norms that seemed to allow domestic violence and sexual harassment to proliferate sent societal-level messages confirming their actions and beliefs (Bon, Faircloth, & LeTendre, 2006). Other forms of discrimination including ethnicity, indigenous status, sexual orientation, immigration status, and disability only compound violence against women and girls (Akiba, 2008).

'''Human Security Issues'''

The issue of security has long been the subject of psychological inquiry as a construct of human needs (Maslow, 1970). Maslow proposed that only the desire for basic physiological needs such as food and water occupied a more immediate goal. Only after these collective desires have been met can humans begin to move toward satisfying higher ordered social needs such as self-esteem and self-actualization. Therefore, humans can only seek personal growth when their attention and concern for their well-being has been satisfied (Maslow, 1970). Embedded within the experience of human security is the ability to be open while exploring the issues that are relevant to us without the preoccupation of having to defend ourselves (Mahoney & Pinedo, 2007). Whereas security is an emotional field and like other emotional fields, our collective feelings of security are both affected and affect the relationships among the members of society in which we inhabit.

Political parties within Costa Rica often highlight the perception of insecurity as a major problem (Noonon, 2002). All of the increases in violence within Costa Rica, regardless of form,  is not viewed by the indigenous inhabitants of the society as being explosive in nature but is instead viewed as relative to the steady socio-economic decline that begun in the mid-1980s (Luciana et al., 2005; Noonon, 2002). This permanent decline has often been linked to the deterioration of both the foundation of the social security system as well as the declining social fabric of society (Knoblock, 2008; Noonon, 2002; Sagot, 2005). This has often led to the stigmatization of youth compounding the problem of violence at schools (Benbenishty & Astor, 2005; Bon, Faircloth, & LeTendre, 2006; Mahoney & Pinedo, 2007).

Implications

The creation of a state policy that addresses eradicating discriminatory practices from the classrooms would guarantee both the continuity of measures and adequate funding. The creation of such a policy would also be less likely to be influenced by the pressures of secular and religious interest for the policy would then be based on a relative social consensus. Professional development for both males and females must continue to be offered with the government providing the financial resources and incentives that are fundamental to instituting and maintaining such changes. Both the primary and the secondary school curricula must be overhauled so that content that promotes sexist stereotypes must be altered or removed. Systematic awareness must be instituted in order to inform all sectors of society of the importance that the family, media, and the educational system itself plays on exerting pressure into individuals' choices for professions that have been historically based on gender identification.

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